The problem

BIHAR is a state in constant motion, but without getting anywhere. Possibly this is why it so continues to fascinate us. The upper caste/class Biharis have been deserting their ‘homeland’ at a rapid rate, in part moving out for better opportunities elsewhere, but equally if not more because of an inability to face the continuous taunts and humiliation doled out by the aggressive lower and middle castes. Alongside is the massive out-migration of the rural poor, moving across the country in search for work. More challenging than the physical mobility, the scramble for work and opportunity, is the social churning, upturning the traditional social order, with the middle and lower caste groups using political mobilization to clamber up the social hierarchy. In stark contrast to the standard narratives of stagnation and regression, a region where nothing seems to happen and get done, Bihari society and people seem to be living through a fast forward flux!

It is indeed possible to claim that Bihar has been in a state of great haste for the past three decades, trying to cover ground that took the western and southern states of the country the whole of the twentieth century. The undoing of upper caste domination has kept Bihar occupied on a full-time basis for the past three decades. It is hardly surprising that the resultant stagnation has created an atmosphere suffused with melancholy. Possibly, those concerned fail to appreciate that historical time and personal biographical time rarely harmonize, that social change follows its own ruthless pathways unmindful of individual plans or schedules dreamt up by youthful idealists. And yet, one must admit, even a day’s visit to Patna, the capital of Bihar, can be irredeemably depressing. The picture of other towns in Bihar too is no better, making a bleak canvas depicting neglect and ruin. Unfortunately, extant media coverage does little to uplift ones mood, as daily news in Bihar rarely descends from its hysterical pitch.

The picture of stagnation and even barbarization is not easy to counter. Agricultural productivity has been at a standstill since the 1980s. The thin presence of industry seems thinner by the day. A steady rate of crime and natural disasters, a terrible human rights record, not to mention the moth-eaten infrastructure, have elevated Bihar into an exemplar of how things should not be. Indeed, when other states discuss their failure, they freely use Bihar and Uttar Pradesh as handy metaphors. Unfortunately, in the process Bihar has become more a target of humour than empathy in a cruel Social Darwinian game of development. But significantly, a discussion on Bihar can also lead to questions and insights about development that other states and region do not easily provide or permit. This despite the fact that every state in India seems to carry in its bosom a constantly disowned and denied Bihar of its own – the rural poor, the lower castes, the tribals, not to forget the bizarre tales of ‘misdevelopment’. What appear as frontal battles in Bihar are thus presented as stray issues in other states which, despite their habit of recurring, they keep pushing to the margins.

Soon after independence, the middle and lower castes in Bihar realized that development under the auspices of the upper castes was unlikely to be shared with the rest. There was in fact a greater likelihood that such development would further bolster the rigid caste hierarchy and attendant oppression – a case of modernity entwining itself with the sinews of traditional exploitation. As the different sections of the upper castes took turns at governance, development became synonymous with loot and appropriation of resources and power for the upper caste combine of the moment. Laloo Yadav instinctively realized that he must not simply seize the reins of political power, but also put a brake on development, if the upper castes were to be restrained.

The Laloo logic begins to make a weird sense once one admits that the race of development clearly favours those who have a headstart. Within such a frame the developmental vacuum in Bihar provided the stage, a kind of level field for the ensuing social transformation. In this topsy-turvy world, Naxalism became a substitute for land reforms, the politics-crime nexus a substitute for entrepreneurship and social mobility, and mass migration a synonym for development as the only way to survival and prosperity.

The contradiction between development and social equity has never seemed so stark. In Lalooism we see the very upside down of the Nehruvian vision that to this day remains our most persistent policy axiom, exposing a gaping chink in the developmental thinking of our times. But therein too lies the tragedy of the simple but perverse rustic ideology of Laloo Yadav – his failure to see that the ‘smooth cheeks’ of the developmental road may lead to comfort for both the privileged and the poor. He failed to realize that the humiliation and bullying of the upper castes needed to be supplemented by building of new institutions that could provide succour to the disadvantaged.

The results of such neglect gave rise to a cultural barbarism which soon became all-pervasive. Just visit the A.N. Sinha Institute or the Bihar Rashtrabhasha Parishad in Patna. For years the primary sites for anyone wanting to research Bihar, the one-time venerable institutions exemplify the dominant image of Bihar – missing glass panes, windows hanging by their hinges, no students in sight, just the expanse of green grass, hordes of buffaloes, and clumps of the junior staff bent over their playing cards and tobacco. None of this causes any consternation, as if all is right with the world. In Bihar, since politics is the sole arbiter of human fate, culture has been left to rot and ruin as mere self-indulgence.

The most vivid metaphor for development in Bihar is, however, its embankments, aimed at keep- ing the flood plains secure. As early as the 1920s, the embankments had already been declared a non- solution. But they were nevertheless built as a vast network of bulwarks, trapping the flow of the floods till they submerged millions in neck deep water. Unlike castles in the air, these schemes involved money, and a great time was had by the politicians, bureaucrats and contractors.

The current solution to the problem lies mainly in making breaches at suitable points. This history of doing and undoing doesn’t tell us how many breaches will effectively ease the floods. The visionaries of mega dams and SEZs (special economic zones) need to remember that undoing is often far tougher than the doing. Even as these lines are being written, large populations in Bihar sit surrounded by an ‘artificial’ flood sequel, well after the floods are long gone. This is not nature gone mad, but development at its pathological worst.

Upstaged in Bihar, Laloo is now reincarnating himself as the successful CEO of the Indian Railways. It only proves that the Indian politician is now available to us in two interchangeable avatars – as a political mobilizer and manager – and for some reason the twain never meets. When based in Bihar, all that Laloo the politician gave us was a daily dose of myths and jokes. As a folk artist of considerable talent, he constantly jeered at the urban sophisticate whose motives he found highly suspect. The second target of his humour were the higher castes, an exercise that seemed to find great favour with his constituents. It took a great deal of tickling before it sunk in that Bihar was fast turning into a national joke. In the meantime, Laloo went ahead to prove his managerial mettle, redeeming his reputation and leaving Bihar to its own misery. The question however remains – if Laloo makes a comeback, will he be the same man, or will he come back as an eager manager to sort out the mess?

With Laloo missing, away on an extended lecture tour among MBA students, Bihar has lost its excuse for stagnation. Today as we all troop out of the Laloo theatre there is a general sense of brooding over the need to move ahead, though given the heavy burden of the past and a crippling sense of limitations, the will and the enthusiasm to change may take time to build up. Long back in the late 1970s when Bihar sank into its present misery, there was a great sense of urgency. A similar haste to rise may become visible sooner than we expect.

Unlike Laloo, Nitish Kumar, the present incumbent is given to gravitas and has a subtler sense of humour. Unlike Laloo, he is expected to get off the stage and perform on the ground. Nitish likes the company of intellectuals and despite his empathy for the people, appears uncomfortable with the melodrama of mass politics. His political style or temperament does not fit into any standard Bihari stereotype of a politician with a shady history. Unlike his predecessor, he is also economical with myth-making. Unlike Laloo’s advocacy of the shepherd’s staff (lathi) in mass meetings, he talks about the power of the pen. Yet, like a ‘good’ politician, he too has a stock of folk wisdom. One of his favourites – Development is like a meal constantly disturbed by hordes of nagging flies. So what do you do? Do you stop eating and let yourself go hungry? ‘No,’ according to Nitish, ‘you drive away the flies with one hand and continue to eat with the other.’

The articles in this issue may seem like virtual walkways to numerous dead ends. To those who grew up in Bihar in the 1960s and 1970s, it remains puzzling how things could have gotten this bad. Is it entirely because of neglect or is there an element of wilfulness to Bihar’s decay?

The democratization process in Bihar has for decades teased the aspirations of the common man, releasing social energies that can lead to chaos if not channelized with due deftness. This process of social democratization is yet to translate into political practice. Instead, the political culture of Bihar has over the years created its own horrid momentum that needs to be undone without delay. In this sense the unavoidable task of any regime is to address the very praxis of everyday politics. Bihar may thus be uniquely positioned to make a seminal contribution to the political culture of the entire nation.

Once the populist political momentum of politics is restrained, Bihar can begin to properly address its impasse, hoping that new openings on various fronts will over time take it to a critical developmental threshold. This may seem cynical to some, a tall order to others, but may be the only alternative to darker forms of despair, facile euphemisms or the hasty management ‘quick fixes’.

 

RATNAKAR TRIPATHY