THE general
elections of May 2004 saw a new set of power equations emerge in New Delhi
which have no clear precedent in our political history. The National Democratic
Alliance, which had brought the poll date forward, fell far short of the
required numbers and for the first time since 1996, the BJP slipped to
the second slot in the House of the People.
Though unanimously the choice of her party, Sonia Gandhi
declined a chance to lead the new government and preferred to continue
as party president, a post she combined with chairperson of the new ruling
alliance. In doing so, she broke with the precedent since the time of
her late mother-in-law, whereby the Congress president heads the government.
After more than a quarter of a century, the party separated the two posts,
though there is little doubt where the fount of power lies.
Instead, Manmohan Singh, the architect of economic reforms
in 1991-96, became prime minister. In doing so, he became the first Sikh,
in fact the first non-Hindu ever to serve as head of government in independent
India. On a visit to the Bangla Sahib gurdwara in the capital, he said
India could not afford and would not permit massacres as in Gujarat in
2002 or in Delhi in 1984. The Congress’ return to a principled secular
line was complete in symbolic and in substantive terms.
Equally important was the composition of the ruling alliance
and its support base. The 63 strong bloc of Left party MPs of which the
CPI (M) is the largest opted to stay out of office. But the strategic
alliance of the Congress and the Left forged in the six years of the Vajpayee
period is the lynchpin of the new dispensation. The unity is built around
a steadfast opposition to the Hindutva party and its alliances. It did
not extend to an electoral alliance except in key states like Andhra Pradesh
and there is a range of issues especially on the economy where their perceptions
and instincts differ. But that such an arrangement has come about shows
not only how much the two sides have changed but also how far the polity
as a whole is undergoing transformations.
The third and critical issue is of power sharing, a new
experience for the Congress. Turning back on the Pachmarhi resolution,
and in line with the Shimla sankalp or resolution of winter 2003,
the Congress is for the first time heading a coalition government. Pre-electoral
alliances had been crucial to winning states like Bihar, Jharkhand and
Tamil Nadu. They also gave the combine a fighting chance in Maharashtra,
where polarization helped them contain and limit the NDA.
The new government was not even fully in place when the
BJP leadership decided to launch a movement against a foreign born citizen
holding the office of prime minister. Having found the people at large
rejecting the argument that citizenship is determined by a person’s origin,
a section of the party hoped to turn the tide by paralyzing the new coalition.
Sonia Gandhi’s decision to step back and refuse to hold any government
office was a political masterstroke which deprived the premier opposition
party of a major plank. What was even more unprecedented was the sight
of veteran anti-Congress politicians, who were now allies or partners,
queuing up to endorse her candidacy. In this sense, the offensive launched
by K.N. Govindacharya and his acolytes only reinforced the unity of the
new ruling front.
But
the real challenges before the new alliance in power lie not only in its
management of complex political equations but in meeting the aspirations
and hopes it has raised. Any assessment has to begin by examining the
structure of decision-making at the apex. As Chairperson of the United
Progressive Alliance and of the National Advisory Council, Sonia Gandhi
has no role in government. But as the prime minister has often said, the
government will be guided by the programmes of the alliance.
In one fell
stroke, this reverses not only the trend of the later years of Indira
Gandhi but also the longer heritage of strong heads of government being
the pivot of the political system. The showdown between prime minister
Jawaharlal Nehru and Acharya Kripalani saw the latter give way. Nehru
also challenged and took over the party when he saw Purushottamdas Tandon
take it in a direction he did not see as desirable. In the Indira years,
what began as a conflict with the Syndicate in 1969, resulted in the subordination
of the party leadership to that of the head of government and eventually
the amalgamation of both posts. There is also little doubt that despite
its cadre-based structure, the BJP too saw the centre of power gravitate
away from the party to the government in its six year long spell in power.
There are
of course no parallels between Manmohan Singh and the old Syndicate. Unlike
them he was an economist and administrator through most of his life, only
entering the political arena in 1991. He lacks both a strong political
base or the ambition to challenge the leadership. Nevertheless, the dualism
of power and administration will be put to the test in a time of crisis.
This would be true in any parliamentary democracy, but it is truer still
of India and one under a Congress government. The prime minister after
all, long ceased to be a first among equals or a mere keystone of the
cabinet arch.
In
the case of the Congress, the past would indicate that other options would
be explored if the equations shift in the party’s favour. The entry of
Rahul Gandhi to the Lok Sabha brings another generation into play. And
there is little doubt that the initiative for leadership rests with the
Congress president. One axiom from industry is to see the division of
labour as akin to that between a chief executive officer and a chief financial
officer. But the Indian prime minister has been and remains much more
than a mere financial official or a head of the cabinet. The government
in India, even under non-Congress regimes, has tended to be prime ministerial
and not mere cabinet rule. Think of Vajpayee’s initiatives on the foreign
policy front or V.P. Singh’s gamble on the Mandal Commission. Whether
or not the consultative system set up today will work will only be known
when a major challenge surfaces.
There is
a second distinction, not of party and government but of party and country.
The Congress as a party has never been quite the same without a member
of the Nehru-Gandhi family at the helm. India’s voters may have rejected
the BJP and its allies and done so again in the crucial state assembly
elections of Maharashtra in October 2004 as well. But it is still a long
way off from giving the Congress the kind of endorsement it got under
Indira or Rajiv.
It
is a sobering thought, but the 145 MPs it commands in the Lok Sabha is
ten less than when it first lost a general election in 1977. Not only
that, it has but a handful of MPs from the three crucial Ganga basin states
of West Bengal, UP and Bihar and remains a marginal presence in Tamil
Nadu. A careful analysis of its 145 seats throws up a very interesting
statistic: as many as 54 have been won in the absence of allies, only
a little more than a third of its present strength. Of the larger states,
it swept only one, Andhra Pradesh, without a major regional ally.
None of
this detracts from the fact that its alliance beat back the NDA. The party
took a leaf from the BJP’s book and even reached out to adversaries, old
and new. Though what we have is a coalition in which the Congress is the
major player, perhaps emerging as the dominant player, many other players
such as Laloo Prasad Yadav and Sharad Pawar are highly skilled practitioners
of coalition politics and will work hard to protect and expand their zones
of influence. This became starkly evident in the Maharashtra elections
where Pawar’s Nationalist Congress Party emerged with more MLAs than its
estranged parent party. It is being driven home daily by Laloo Prasad
Yadav in his measly offer of less than a dozen seats for the Congress
in the forthcoming Bihar assembly polls of early 2005.
Not only
is the Congress yet to dominate the country, it is still in the process
of working out how to restrain and control its allies. Thus far, the formula
has worked: it has allowed the allies space to safeguard their own interests.
And as long as the BJP retains the position of the dominant and vocal
party of opposition, it will actually help cover the cracks in the ruling
alliance. It is only if and when the saffron party’s fortunes dive further
that divisions in the alliance will come to the fore.
What we
have is not a return or revival of the Congress-dominated political order
of the pre-1989 variety, but the early stages of a new kind of Congress
led multiparty alliance system. In the past, the party contained diverse
and often contradictory currents and groups within its ranks. It has not
as yet re-grown to encompass enough space to accomplish that. For instance,
it has no major leader of the agrarian classes to match Pawar, nor a Dalit
leader of the stature of a Mayawati or Paswan. In fact, it has for the
first time had to bring region-centred parties into the government, ceding
critical economic ministries like telecommunications (to the DMK) and
railways (to the RJD).
This is
not a highly original point, as even a cursory look at the composition
of the Lok Sabha would bear this out. Even adding up the MPs of the BJP
and the Congress sees them fall short of the 300 mark, indicating a continuing
salience of the non-Congress, non-BJP groups. Most of the larger groups
are now in the Congress camp but it will have to ensure that their political
interests coincide with its own. And equally important, it will have to
ensure quality governance while keeping the flock together.
The
key to the equations lie in the relationship of the Congress and the 63
strong bloc of Left MPs. The ties of the two are closer than at any time
since the alignment with the Communist Party of India in 1969-77, but
there is a major shift in the nature of relations. As many as 56 of the
MPs of the CPI (M) and its allies have won their seats contesting against
the Congress or its allies. Further, they rule two states with comfortable
majorities and are a formidable opposition in a third.
Unlike in
Indira Gandhi’s time and especially after the Congress split, there is
no major external force in the form of the USSR acting as a catalyst for
a concord of Congress and the Left. Nor are the Left parties really dependent
on the Congress’ goodwill or hostage to its changes of mood as was so
tragically the case with the Communist Party of India in the Emergency
period. But conversely, the long ideological assault on the Congress legacy
of pluralism and the Left’s own core constituency in the six-year spell
of NDA rule has driven the two together.
There
was never any doubt that the Left would back a Congress-led front in its
bid for power. This was a position articulated by H.S. Surjeet in the
wake of the 1998 Lok Sabha polls even before the results foreclosed the
option. The defence of Sonia Gandhi’s right to be an equal citizen entitled
to the highest public office found the Left on the same side of the fence
as the Congress. Her strident attacks on the Hindutva forces also set
up the possibility of a working relationship. In particular, in the remaking
and overhaul of cultural and educational institutions much will hinge
on the ability of the two to work together.
Some rifts,
however, arise from their very different character as political formations.
These differences are still manageable due to the commonality of wavelength
on combating the BJP. In a sense the soft Hindutva phase of Congress,
which began in the second Indira period with the metropolitan council
elections of Delhi in February 1983, only ended in the late 1990s. The
support extended to the United Front was one step in the direction of
a common cause with other pluralist parties, but it came undone as Congress
found its own base under threat. Sonia as campaigner-in-chief had set
the tone in 1998, but a year later still tried to pitch for a one party
government when Vajpayee lost a vote of confidence. Since then, the Congress
and the Left have both grown wiser and brought a degree of maturity to
their relationship.
But
there are other, more serious, pitfalls mainly due to the very different
ideological orientation, social character and intellectual make up of
the two groups. The Congress after Narasimha Rao is a more pro-reform
party than ever before in its history. So much so that it seemed to drag
its feet on the promise of an Employment Guarantee Act once it came to
power. The idea of a minimal job guarantee in rural India goes further
than what even the left-wing parties have done. Unlike the promise of
easing and substantially increasing credit for the farm sector, the enactment
of the legislation has been a bitterly fought battle with a clear polarization
on ideological lines. Those opposed to it point to the size of the wage
bill, the problems of leakage and the uneven nature of administrative
abilities in different parts of India, in particular the regions of the
north that need such measures the most. The Left and the sections of the
Congress and allies that back the bill have countered by showing that
what is involved is at most around half the outlay on defence.
But what
is really critical is the political significance of such a measure. The
nineties may have seen an economic boom, but the groundswell of support
for the opposition arose from deep disaffection that the benefits were
so unevenly distributed. The decline in the rate of job creation in the
farm sector and the growing disparity between town and country marks a
reversal of the trends of the late Indira and Rajiv periods, 1980-89.
With the sole exception of the Vajpayee regime of 1999, every single government
since 1971 has been voted out of office. The Congress in turn needs to
remember how fast the resounding majority of 1971 and the state assembly
poll victories of a year later faded into a distant memory after the onset
of economic crises in 1973-74.
Food
riots and petro-product fuelled inflation did as much to erode Indira’s
appeal among the poor, as did the emergence of a formidable alliance of
opponents led by JP. Just as the promise of banishing poverty worked wonders
in 1971, the slogan that the party was one of the common folk helped stitch
together a more tenuous but still adequate base of support in 2004. But
the constancy of this base will hinge on the ability to make a difference
and the jobs scheme and job-generating measures in rural India will be
the key to political success.
If anything,
the combine of the Congress and the Left can check and balance one another.
The former is in tune with the needs of globalization and the latter can
be a strong lobby for the underclass which is being exposed to the harsh
play of market forces in a country which is deeply unequal. The past provides
at least three state level examples which today’s rulers can draw from.
One was Maharashtra in 1974, a rare state whose rural employment scheme
even earned rich praise from JP. It was one of the few states outside
the deep South where Indira’s name still brought in the votes in 1977.
The other
is the instance of West Bengal where rural farm growth, especially of
rice and fish production, has given the Left Front a base no Communist
party ever has enjoyed in a free and fair electoral system anywhere in
the world. The third is the work under M.G. Ramachandran in Tamil Nadu
where state-sponsored delivery of welfare such as in the mid-day meal
scheme, secured a host of development goals while also deepening the base
of socio-political support for a ruling party.
True, these
are case specific instances and their principles will have to be abstracted
for more general application. After all, the Left may well stall many
of the Congress measures for reform. In turn, the Congress has a long
history of elbowing aside allies once it grows adequately strong. The
balance will be hard to strike and difficult to maintain but the cost
of failure will be enormous for all concerned.
The
challenge of doing so may well decide the long-term fate of the present
alliance. It will have a larger significance as well. The political order
faces a serious challenge in its ability to combine stable governance
with meeting the aspirations of India’s vast underclass. The NDA tried
a mix of strident nationalism and rank sectarianism as in Gujarat, and
hoped that certain key modernist projects such as telecom and roadways
would rally support. But by the time it got around to income-enhancing
welfare measures it was already into the last leg of its term.
The late
Rajiv Gandhi often said that a popular government actually has an effective
mandate for about two and a half years. He was close to the truth and
by that yardstick, by the end of 2007, the key measures that make a difference
ought to be in place and they have to make a difference. This, more than
any political strategy, will decide the fate of the Congress-led coalition.
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